Critical Abstract 1
The Concept and Method of Cultural Ecology
Julian Steward
Julian Steward attempts to examine the relationship between culture and local ecology by proposing that the two concepts are inherently linked. In essence, Steward suggests that the development of culture is directly affected by the ecology of an area and that cultural ecology should be the study of this relationship. Many aspects of a culture can be traced back to some form of environmental root, such as the abundance and type of food available in an area. Steward supports his claim by providing generalized examples from a variety of different cultures and suggests that anthropologists should consider viewing culture through an environmental lens. One example is that of the Shoshoni’s social structure of fairly independent family units, which is interpreted to be due to a lack of consistent food supply and game. In Steward’s idea of cultural ecology, one would examine a culture’s behaviors and extrapolate the causes of these behaviors through inference based upon possible environmental factors. The main problem with this concept is that the inference draws from the observer’s personal, often Western, background and does not consider the possibility of other worldviews, particularly that of the observed culture, and thus may result in misinterpretations. This problem is addressed many years later by the concept of ethnoecology.
Critical Abstract 2
View from a Point: Ethnoecology as Situated Knowledge
Virginia Nazarea
With Julian Steward’s cultural ecology arises the problem of frameworks of knowledge, as everything we “know” and observe is colored by our own cultural background. Nazarea proposes a new approach to understanding culture-ecology relationships which builds upon the works and ideas of her predecessors. This new approach, which she calls ethnoecology, would attempt to understand culture-ecology relations through the perspective of the knowledge framework of the culture itself. Nazarea believes that much more can be learned about a culture by participating and understanding their point of view than by simply observing and interpreting. She provides many general examples of superior knowledge that indigenous people have of their immediate ecosystems, such as the variety and use of local plant life. The aim of this approach is to attempt to eliminate cultural bias of the observer by reducing the need for interpretation. Instead of merely “knowing” she emphasizes understanding and respecting different ways of knowing. It requires anthropologists to work in the field to attempt to truly understand the culture of their subjects. However, it also introduces a new problem in that it does not consider the possible failings and falsehoods that may be present in the local culture and social narrative.
Critical Abstract 3
False Forest History
James Fairhead & Melissa Leach
James Fairhead and Melissa Leach attempted to examine the alleged recent deforestation that occurred in Guinea, West Africa. Social scientists working in the area asserted not only that deforestation was occurring but also that it was caused by negligent land management by the locals. Upon closer inspection and collecting a large amount of empirical data, Fairhead and Leach discovered that historical vegetation data, including aerial photographs, contradicted the conclusions made by the social scientists and that the locals were actually very methodical in their land management. With this, Fairhead and Leach proposed that social narratives may not necessarily be truthful and should be cross-examined with historical data. Social narratives are built upon many smaller narratives which usually tell a story that is agreeable with current paradigms, and in the case of Guinea, the paradigm is that of the deforestation of African rainforests. The implications of this study shows the possible shortcomings of ethnoecology. By immersing oneself within a single culture’s narrative, it may prove to be limited in scope, as one’s view may become too colored by the culture’s narrative and fail to observe the bigger picture.
Critical Abstract 4
So Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture?
Sherry B. Ortner
In order to see the human relationship with nature, we must first define the boundaries of nature. Many have proposed a nature/culture divide, and there are many perspectives on this issue. Ortner previously wrote a piece that proposed that not only is there a nature/culture divide, which was assumed as an axiom, but that it is also analogous to the male/female divide in humans and explains male dominance. As expected, such a proposition has led to much criticism and in this piece, Ortner addresses and responds to some of the criticism. The main criticism was to contest the universality of these claims, as it is assumed that male dominance and nature/culture are universal truths. She addresses the former by proposing that upon examining three relatively egalitarian cultures that do not have (or have very few) strict male and female social limitations, those who rise to positions of power are still predominantly men. This, she suggests, proves that the natural human social structure is not egalitarian but that one of male dominance. She addresses the latter issue first by conceding that her previous definitions of nature and culture were perhaps too vague, as many of her critics have pointed out that there exist cultures with no concept of a nature/culture opposition. She redefines her terms by suggesting that “nature” is everything that is outside of human control and that it is not an idea that is culturally defined, rather it is an overarching structure outside of human conceptual constructs. By redefining her terms, she subverts the previous criticism of her peers and reasserts the gender analogy. I find this article interesting in that the issue seems personal to Ortner and it may have affected her perception of the issues at hand. In the next writings, we will examine some alternate perspectives on the nature/culture divide.
Critical Abstract 5
Chronically Unstable Bodies: Reflections on Amazonian Corporalities
Aparecida Vilaça
In this writing, Vilaça conducts a case study on the Wari people of Brazilian Amazonia with particular focus on their concepts of the body and spirit. Unlike western concepts of body, the Wari sees the body (kwere) as a slightly more spiritual entity, almost like a lesser soul, to be possessed by that which owns it. It may be more aptly be defined as “form.” Beyond living things, rocks, wind, rain, etc all have their own kwere. Humanity is also a relative idea for the Wari. There are humans and there are animals which appear human. It is also believed that animals see themselves as human and in their minds they are doing activities as that of humans. For example, to jaguars, blood is seen and tasted as beer. More interesting is the Wari concept of the soul, which they call jam. It is essentially a greater soul in comparison to the kwere. Not all things possess jam, and it is possible to be alive without possessing jam. It is suggested that all things had jam at one point in the past, even inanimate human-made objects such as baskets and they were able to move and dance. All things with jam can appear as human or adopt human traits. The main point of all of this is that for the Wari, the concept of human and culture are very much intertwined and difficult to separate and they see themselves as a part of nature, rather than apart from nature. This serves as a great argument for the lack of distinction between nature and culture and multiple perspectives on the issue is the key.
Critical Abstract 6
A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the late Twentieth Century
Donna Harraway
In the previous writing, Vilaça presented a case that could be proposed as an argument for the idea culture may be a part of nature and may be hard to distinguish from one another. Harraway however, throws the whole nature-culture dilemma out the window by proposing that, at the time of the late 20th century and beyond, nature and culture have become a chimera of sorts and exists as one unique entity. To exemplify this, she uses the metaphor of the cyborg, a science fiction human-machine hybrid popular in 80s and 90s popular culture. The cyborg exists as an interesting being that challenges previous preconceptions of a living organism. Through fairly cryptic writing, Harraway asserts that with the existence of a cyborg, the barriers between man and machine would be broken down, and if such a thing could exist, the boundaries of other dualities are also muddled, for example man and animal (culture and nature respectively). She further proposes that the cyborg, though used mainly as ultra-masculine stereotypes in popular culture and symbolism, may be reclaimed by feminists to foster joint kinship between the dualities and allow a wider perspective.
Critical Abstract 7
Ethics Primer for University Students Intending to Become Natural Resources Managers and Administrators
Richard J. McNeil
This writing, as the title suggests, serves as a primer into ethics. There are many ethical philosophies and it is important to understand that there are many perspectives on ethics, in all situations, though this primarily deals with natural resource management issues. McNeil defines ethics as a branch of philosophy that deals with the morals of right and wrong as well as the value of actions and things. He further gives a brief explanation of the most popular ethical theories, from consequentialism to rights-based theories to intuitionism. Each ethical theory has value and are worth considering, and most adopt facets of multiple theories. Consequentialism is generally considered the most prevalent, which is the idea that the most moral action is one that results in the most happiness. Of course, there are certain issues with this theory as it is impossible to know the full consequences of some situations, as well as the issue of the value of happiness from one person to the next (are there different tiers of happiness or is it binary happy/unhappy). He also explains an important concept in moral considerability. How does one determine what things “deserve” moral consideration? Understanding these different moral viewpoints and asking these questions are very important when making a tough ethical decision, and as I have contended throughout, a wide perspective that considers many angles and factors will usually yield the best judgment.
Critical Abstract 8
Livelihoods, and the Environment
Alex de Sherbinin, Leah VanWey, et al.
The purpose of this writing is to explore population dynamics and assert the importance the of “livelihood” of a household into the causes and effects of environmental issues. The authors state that there are many types of capital, namely natural, social, human, physical, and financial capital. The amount of capital that a household holds contributes to that household’s overall livelihood. In this view, households do not need lots of financial capital to be wealthy. It can make up for shortage in one type of capital with abundance in another. Another factor of household livelihood is its dynamics, which encompass the key variables of nuptuality, fertility, morbidity, mortality, migration, and lifecycle. In terms of fertility, de Sherbinin suggests that, in a rural subsistence farming setting, a severe lack of other types of capital will cause a household to produce more human capital, creating a positive feedback loop in a negative direction, as more people in a household causes a greater drain on other resources, leading to the desire for more human capital. Morbidity and mortality may be directly associated with environmental factors, such as pollution or lack of resources. High morbidity and mortality causes a drain on many types of capital. Financial capital is affected due to money spent on healthcare, human capital is affected due to death, and social capital is affected due to weakening of social institutions as well as the possible stigma of being afflicted with a contagious disease. Next, the effects of migration are explored, particularly in the idea of the “vicious cycle” of frontier migration, where an establishing generation uses up land and natural capital, thus needing to send out future generations to claim more land and resources. Finally, the life cycle of a household is examined, although studies on its affects on the environment are conflicting. Essentially, this piece sheds light on the many possible frameworks to view the dynamics of a rural household and its relationship with its environment.
Critical Abstract 9
Esther Boserup’s Theory of Agrarian Change – A Critical Review
David Grigg
Esther Boserup provided a new perspective on population growth and its ties to economy and the environment. Instead of being an effect of increased food supply, Boserup argues that population growth is independent of food supply and instead spurs agricultural development. The argument is mainly applicable to pre-industrial societies. She argues that pre-industrial farmer were interested in only obtaining an adequate output per head and maximizing their leisure. Thus, farming intensity is increased as population and the need for more food increases. More intensified farming techniques are assumed to be known to the pre-industrial farmers, but were not utilized until needed. Furthermore, Boserup defines “intensification” not as increase in labour and capital inputs per unit of cropland, but instead as increased frequency an area was cropped. This is an interesting idea at the time because it flipped the idea of population growth on its head. Previously, it was thought that population growth was the result of better farming technologies (among other technological developments) but this theory suggests that better farming techniques may actually have been directly inspired by population growth. This exemplifies the importance of perspective on an issue as Boserup’s writing caused academics to examine population growth through a new lens.
Critical Abstract 10
The Lawn-Chemical Economy and Its Discontents
Paul Robbins and Julie Sharp
Robbins and Sharp examines the use of lawn chemicals and pesticides in US and Canadian suburbs to ascertain whether it is supply or demand that contributes more to its prevalent use. The dominant turf grass species in the North American lawn is non-native and this clean-cut landscaping aesthetic is a relatively recent development, with the social acceptance of lawn chemical use being even more recent. Lawn chemicals are the source of a number of problems, as they are pollutants and find their way into streams and ground water. It is often tracked into homes and accumulates in dust and on surfaces, which may endanger or affect the development of young children. Additionally, these lawn chemicals may cause problems with non-pest insect, bird, and fish populations. Although these detriments are known, lawn-chemicals are still used extensively. The authors approach this issue by viewing from two main perspectives. Through the framework of the suburban subculture, a green lawn is a highly important asset for social acceptance (or social capital). It is a public display that implies proper private behavior, such as a good work ethic and a neat and orderly lifestyle. It is revealed that lawn-chemical users are more likely to know their neighbors by name. Suburban politics also play a role in this behavior, as aesthetically pleasing neighborhoods increase property value. Thus, it is not uncommon to find strict rules on lawn quality and care. Conversely, the other framework the authors viewed this issue through is through that of the agrochemistry industry. After the development of insecticides and other agrochemicals during WWII, a postwar era North America provided great business, since middle class people with expendable income were willing to pay more for crop-food without signs of pest damage or disease. By the mid 1980s, however, an economic recession had caused farmers to purchase less pesticides, and over 90% of farmland have already been treated with pesticides. Compounded by stricter government regulation on pesticides, the agrochemical industry needed to find new markets, which turned out to be middle class North Americans with disposable income. As the issues of lawn-chemical use become more and more apparent, “greener” lawn-care products have been introduced, but the authors speculate that a truly sustainable solution is purposefully avoided as it is bad for business. By examine from two different viewpoints, the issue appears to be a synergistic effect of both the suburban subculture’s aesthetic preferences and its exploitation by the agrochemical industry.
Critical Abstract 11
Endangered Forest, Endangered People
Peter J. Brosius
Brosius examines how anthropological research and knowledge can be misrepresented by others to further an agenda. Furthermore, he examines the role that Western perspective plays on how indigenous cultures are perceived. To exemplify this, Brosius focuses on a book, Penan: Voice for the Borneo Rainforest of ethnobotanist Wade Davis and environmental activist Thom Henley, which cites and misrepresents Brosius’s research on the Penan people of Malaysia. Henley and Davis have indeed visited Penan and stayed with Eastern and nomadic Penan communities, along with many other environmental activists who were able to sneak into the area in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, when environmental issues in the area were a hot topic, but Brosius presumes that they may have merely been present and not necessarily communicated, pointing to reports of many western visitors who were unable communicated due to language barriers. Davis and Henley failed to accurately represent the Penan people, or even differentiate from Western and Eastern Penan, and craft their rhetoric to push their agenda. Brosius identifies two main strategies that may be generalized from this case: connecting the people with the forest that they wish to protect, and elevating their knowledge to the level of sacred wisdom that is in danger of being lost. The article focuses on three examples from the Davis and Henley text, which are the misrepresentations of the Penan concept of molong (a type of resource sharing), local land knowledge, and local plant knowledge. I think that this article brings up great points about how there exists a certain accepted narrative of indigenous traditions within Western culture. We tend to envision indigenous cultures as being somehow more spiritual and more connected with nature, with great and ancient wisdom, when this is not necessarily the case. This is a popular narrative that many are inclined or even desire to believe in, and others may hijack it to further an agenda, whether consciously or unconsciously. Thus, it is important to recognize our own biases.
Critical Abstract 12
German Far-Right Extremists Tap Into Green Movement For Support
Kate Connelly
The German far-right, often associated with Neo-Nazis and racism, are also proponents of environmental activism. This revelation has come as a shock to the average German consumer, as the organic produce that they buy may actually be funding a political ideology that they feel repulsion to. The German far-right movement publishes their own magazine, Umwelt und Aktiv, or “Environment and Active,” which promotes both environmentally conscious gardening and far-right ideology. This may come across as humorous or comedic to many as the two movements seem to be at extreme odds with each other, with environmentalism often perceived as a tenet of left wing ideology. Political scientists and others speculate that this interest in environmentalism has a more nefarious ulterior motive, particularly to “green-wash” their image and to increase their political clout. This article is particularly interesting to me in that the German far-right movement is doing something that flies firmly against the accepted narrative, and people are scrambling to make sense of it. Their image has been so tarnished over time that merely doing something positive for the environment raises suspicion. It does appear that the organic produce and homemade breads and sweaters are grown and crafted with some degree of sincerity, as demonstrated by their dedication, but leftist environmental organizations are worried about them “infiltrating” their organic farms. The issue of environmentalism should not be politicized and there should not be any reason that people of opposing ideologies cannot work together toward a single goal. All this aside, the main point of interest is that this shows just how powerful social narratives are and what happens when something does not conform to an accepted narrative.
Critical Abstract 13
“But I Know It’s True”: Environmental Risk Assessment, Justice and Anthropology
Melissa Checker
Five years after a disastrous confrontation between EPA officials and residents of the Hyde Park area near Augusta, Georgia in 1993, Melissa Checker spends 14 months in the field to investigate the root of the issues. Hyde Park is a predominantly black, low-income community and had long suspected their local land to be contaminated by industrial chemicals that may have leaked from nearby factories due to the higher incidence of certain illnesses within the community. However, after conducting its study, the EPA did not come up with conclusive data that correlated the high incidence of these illnesses with chemical contamination, which provoked the ire of the residents. Checker investigates the reasons behind the Hyde Park residents’ reaction as well as the problems with the EPA study. The latter is particularly interesting because it exemplifies some of the short-comings of a purely scientific study and why it is important to understand the history, culture, and needs of a local community when it comes to investigations of environmental issues. The Hyde Park residents, having been subjected to unequal treatment due to race for many decades, are already suspicious of government authority figures, and the EPA results just appears to them as another instance of the government ignoring their plight. The EPA study on the surface appears sound, but due to a lack of local area and cultural knowledge, a number of parameters were wrongly calibrated and bad samples were collected. One example that Checker used is that the results for contamination of fish were calculated using the average of 18 grams/day consumed by a 70 kg adult, but the residents of Hyde Park consumed a higher amount of fish, roughly 20-24 grams/day and did not account for the elderly or children, who are more susceptible to illness. Due to a lack of local area knowledge, many samples were collected from areas where new topsoil had been recently placed, further skewing the data in the study. The residents responded with a resounding “but I know it’s true” in response to the EPA studies. Furthermore, some methods for studies involving health risks may be dubious, as often results are from testing of high doses of isolated chemicals in animals which is then extrapolated and applied to low dosages in humans, who are most likely consuming multiple toxic chemicals at once. Checker proposes that future studies should involve scientists working side by side with local residents, as local residents have the necessary knowledge of their area and also the motivation to help their community. I think that this is a good idea, as real environmental action often involve the agreement of both local inhabitants and government authorities.
Critical Abstract 14
The Power of Environmental Knowledge: Ethnoecology and Environmental Conflicts in Mexican Conservation
Nora Haenn
In this study, migrant swidden farmers, known as campesinos, who reside in the buffer zone of the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve, and their relationship with environmental authorities are examined. Haenn investigates this topic first by establishing the setting of the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve and then by examining the culture of the campesinos. Swidden farming is a form of subsistence agriculture that involves clearing areas of forest by slash and burn methods, which pose a threat to the biosphere reserve. The campesinos do not trust government environmental authorities and their needs are often at odds with conservationists. This type of farming is usually resorted to as a form of subsistence agriculture, and thus the livelihoods of these people depend upon clearing areas of forest. As campesinos are migrant farmers, their culture is a mixture of many areas of Mexico, they they all generally see the environment as a powerful entity and a place of work. She suggests that this may be a common understanding of non-industrial societies, who do not see the environment as something that needs human protection, because their livelihoods are at the whims of their environment. In other words, industrialized societies tend to view the environment as something people have power over, whereas the campesinos see the environment as having power over people. In one view, the forest is seen as a powerful place with spirits and a will of its own, where if left unchecked would grow in area; farming is seen as a way of keeping the borders of the forest under social control. In another view, the forest is viewed as unproductive and the residents believe that felling forests to create productive land is a desirable thing. This latter view is often held by people who had formerly worked in industrial agriculture. Generally, the campesinos prefer clearing new growth forests (roughly 5-10 years old), which they call acahuales, as the labor demands are the lowest. These views obviously contrast with the views of environmental managers and conflict emerges. Acopa, a regional government official who was the first Reserve Director at Calakmul, attempted to ameliorate the situation by considering both the needs of the people and the needs of the conservationists, and he presented himself as such: a common man who is also well educated. He was tasked with winning over the campesinos for the conservationists as well as for a political party, Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). Government agents representing the PRI created a program that gave economic incentive to the campesinos in return for votes, and later Acopa broadened this concept to economic incentives for certain environmental practices. However, this is still met with resistance by the campesinos, who are, for the most part, only incentivized by economic benefits. Due to a distrust of government officials and conflicts of interest, campesinos will vocally support some environmental actions with only minimal action, so long as they secure the economic gains and stay on the good side of the government. However, action will be performed sincerely, when the desires of both sides are in alignment, such as in the case of Jaguar tracking and tagging. This article shows us once again the importance of the alignment of local and governmental understandings and needs when it comes to the pursuit of sincere environmental action.
Critical Abstract 15
Bottled Water: The Pure Commodity in the Age of Branding
Richard Wilk
Richard Wilk examines the bottled water industry and specifically the selling of water as a commodity. Putting a price on bottled water can seem absurd, as water is one of the most plentiful resources on earth and literally falls from the sky for free. Additionally, many surveys have shown that bottled water is no better than tap water in most instances and most people cannot taste the difference in blind taste tests. However, water has certainly become widely accepted as a commodity and Wilk attempts to elaborate on its moral implications and demonstrate that the acceptance of water as a commodity is as much a failure of governments to fulfill public obligations as it is the result of decades of crafty marketing. First, Wilk examines the cultural significance of water, which is often seen as a representation of the natural world. He cites the religious symbolism of connecting people with nature through the cleansing power of water that is common in Abrahamic religions as well as non-Abrahamic religions. Water was also once seen as a powerful entity, but since the industrial era, people have sought to gain control of water, as part of the modernist paradigm of mastery over nature, through the damming of great rivers and the containment of floods. I would disagree here, however, as I do not believe that mastery of water is a new concept of modern era. People have long sought control over water, and many early technologies have utilized the power of water, such as the water wheel, although industrialization was what made mastery of water actually possible. Regardless, water is marketed as a pure and natural commodity, both by its labeling and its design. On the other hand, tap water has somehow become seen as dirty, contaminated, and unnatural. Next, Wilk examines the allure of bottled water. One of the most obvious is classism, as “high-end” European bottled waters have been sold at classy restaurants the world over for centuries. Tap water, or bulk-manufactured “generic” water, is seen as low class and dirty, whereas “high-end” water is seen as pure and high class. Healthiness is also a common marketing scheme, as it is a great concern in Western societies. In some cases, purity is associated with healthiness, which is irrationally judged by how natural the water source is. In other cases, water may be marketed as having been scientifically engineered to be more nutritious and so on. Exotic minerals and locales are also very powerful and oft used marketing schemes. Wilk suggests that most consumers do not have the opportunity to resist bottled water because it is so ubiquitous and the industry itself is mostly consolidated to a few large suppliers. Although marketing plays a large role in the commoditization of water, Wilk also examines the role of trust in government. Tap water is treated water that is filtered by government facilities. This is seen as a dirty process that may produce water that is unsafe for drinking due to the perceived ineptness of government entities. Stories of water contamination and pollution in rivers and lakes cause people to question the effectiveness of treating water to produce safe drinking tap water in the first place. Unfortunately, in this case, consumers must place their trust in either the government or a for-profit corporation, and apparently many choose the for-profit corporation. Ironically, most bottled water contains filtered tap water anyway. This article exemplifies the fetishization of commodities and also the Western obsession with “natural” products, or at least products that appear natural.
Critical Abstract 16
Stolen Apes The Illicit Trade in Chimpanzee, Gorillas, Bonobos, and Orangutans
Daniel Stiles, et al.
Great apes have become a commodity and the authors examine its rise to prominence and suggest countermeasures to stymie the global illicit ape trade. First, the authors determine that the capture of great apes is largely opportunistic. These apes are often caught in raids by farmers on ape encampments that have been harming their crops or by others for bushmeat. Poaching has become an increasing problem as well, although at best poaching is a minimal problem. In all cases, adults are killed and babies are kept to be sold into the illicit or licit pet market. The illicit market mostly targets exotic pet enthusiasts and involve more endangered specimens, while the licit market is mostly for zoos. Large numbers of small African airstrips and ports allow for ease in smuggling captured apes. The authors suggest that the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and NGO reports on illicit ape trade must be taken seriously and government authorities must enforce laws and crack down on both organized exotic pet trades and hunting of apes by rural communities for meat or farm protection. Finally, the authors offer a list of recommendations to tackle each of the issues in terms of organized trafficking, consumer demand, and law enforcement. Some suggestions include the DNA testing of confiscated apes and returning them to the wild within a 8 weeks, and designating customs units to specifically address the illegal ape/pet trade. In my opinion, this article exemplifies the issue of only focusing on a problem from a single perspective. I think that although the authors concerns are in the right place, there are many factors that they do not consider, specifically that of the motivation and culture of the people who are capturing these apes. They recognize that the majority of captured apes are caught by rural communities whose livelihoods (farms) are threatened by these apes, and do not consider any options to incentivize locals to not capture or kill apes, mostly focusing on solutions involving government entities and law enforcement crackdown or reducing demand. In other words, the authors focus on disincentivizing capturing/killing apes, whereas I am a proponent of incentivizing local protection of apes. This does not address the root of the issue and merely suppresses the symptoms, as it has been noted that poaching is only responsible for a small percentage of captured apes. With or without demand, these apes would still be captured or killed. To take this even further, ape culture is not addressed at all and it appears that the authors have little understanding of ape social structure from their suggestion to release confiscated apes back into the wild. Great apes are social creatures, and these apes have been taken away from their mothers as babies and are often raised in isolation from others of their species, which will make them lack both the ability to adeptly survive in the wild as well as socialize with wild apes.
Critical Abstract 17
Protecting the Environment the Natural Way
James Carrier
In this article, James Carrier addresses the issues of consumerism and its relation to environmentalism, particularly the issues with the idea of ethical consumption. In the framework of ethical consumption, consumers may influence environmental practices by privately leading more moral lives and publicly choosing the products they consume to pressure companies into more ethical practices (particularly in relation to environmentalism and conservationism). Carrier suggests that, although ethical consumption appears to be a good idea on paper, it is heavily flawed. In particular, he addresses the concept of commodity fetishism, first introduced by Marx, but expanded upon in this paper. Commodity fetishism can be described as the phenomenon of the process of production becoming obscured in capitalism and the focus is only on the final product, where the labor involved is either ignored or denied. Carrier extends this idea to not just the labor or process of production, but the entire general background of commodities and also to things that are not produced but marketed as commodities, such as nature reserves and ecotourism. Carrier presents the case that many products, with particular focus on “fair trade” coffee, are marketed with ethical consumers in mind, while still obfuscating the processes and origins of the products. These products may not necessarily actually be ethical or environmentally friendly, but the mere image of ethicality or environmental friendliness is enough to satiate the needs of the average “ethical consumer” and the origins of the product is looked into no further. Thus, without being fully informed, ethical consumption is essentially an ego-boost or relief of conscience for people with little to no impact. Certain images become part of the accepted social narrative. Carrier points to the image one conjures when thinking of “indigenous people” or when a package of coffee is labeled “fair trade.” Often, these popular mental images are far from the truth, and in a darkly hilarious way the real world begins to conform to these imagined images to sell products. For example, indigenous people will dress like how ecotourists envision them to dress in order to sell an image. One particularly humorous anecdote is when the author spoke with a woman in DC who claimed to be concerned for the environment, as evidenced by when she had visited Antarctica she avoided stepping on moss because she knew how delicate it was. However, she failed to consider the massive amounts of carbon output caused by the burning of jet fuel by the plane that brought her to and from Antarctica, exemplifying the author’s point about commodity fetishism. I think this article raises many great points and is highly relevant to the palm oil industry, as palm oil is often marketed as a natural product (which it is), but this descriptor conjures up an image of its production process that may be vastly different from the truth.
Critical Abstract 18
How to Queer Ecology – One Goose at a Time
Alex Johnson
In response to the dualism inherent in Western understandings of concepts, Alex Johnson presents the concept of “queering” dualistic concepts, particularly to the idea of nature vs culture (although he refers to this as nature vs human). Johnson believes that dualism is false and creates a false dichotomy between things. He draws this conclusion from his personal experience as a homosexual man, which allowed him to gain the perspective that such simple dualities are false from an early age. He forms the basis of this argument as his attraction to other men is deemed unnatural, yet it feels completely natural to him, and thus the concept of natural is certainly not as simple as it seems. Following this, he presents a list of recommendations on how to “queer” the concept of nature. His main criticism is the generalization of what is natural and what is not and the use of absolutes to describe natural things, specifically focusing on David Quammen’s essay “The Miracle of the Geese,” which portrays wild geese as majestic and pure creatures solely based upon the fact that they are animals in nature and makes assumptions about their behavior based upon his concept of natural, such as single mates and so on. Johnson points out that geese are not as angelic as Quammen suggests and thus the flaws of the natural/unnatural duality. Personally, I agree with Johnson that there should not be an absolute idea of what is natural. I will take this further and say that all things exists within nature and that humans are not apart from nature. In fact, nothing is unnatural, because they are created within the confines of universe. All human actions and behavior are within the bounds of nature even the ones that seemingly destroy natural structures, such as our Earth, and I will go as far as to say that it is within human nature (self-preservation, reproduction, etc) to do so and that it is also within human nature to recognize our impact and confront these problems (altruism).
Critical Abstract 19
The Invisible Giant
Brewster Kneen
Cargill is the largest private transnational company based in the United States and is the largest trader of agricultural commodities in the world. It has its hands in many agricultural projects and products, some ethical and some not so. However, few are aware of its global impact and reach, even its employees. Brewster Kneen investigates how Cargill has avoided the fate of its peers such as Monsanto, which has become vilified the world over, even though they employ similar practices. This article is particularly relevant as Cargill plays a large role in the palm oil industry. Kneen first explains the history of Cargill, which essentially involves its rise to prominence by benefiting from government subsidies following World War II to provide large amounts of grain during the rebuilding efforts in Europe. By the 1950s, Europe had become self sufficient in their agricultural production that US grain is no longer welcome as it became unneeded competition. In response to this, the US government began subsidizing grain export to other countries outside of Europe, from which Cargill also benefited. By 1963, Cargill revenues had exceeded $1 billion, firmly establishing the it as a giant in the business. Since then, Cargill has also capitalized on other subsidies to further boost its profits. Cargill also employs sophisticated lobbying tactics to influence beneficial government policies and programs, and even has their executives gain powerful positions within the US government. In recent times, it has focused on developing grassroots support. To achieve this, Cargill has spend massive amounts of effort into green-washing and appearing small, often holding its offices in modest buildings outside of industrial/research complexes. One of Cargill’s initiatives is to establish “beachheads” and is based on old military tactics. As an example, Cargill seed growers in Tanzania work on a farm that is considerably larger than most of its costumers, producing specialized and hybrid seeds. Only 20 or so people are in seed production, while 5 or so people ride through the country in dirt bikes to sell seeds in small quantities to local farmers. The seeds then serve as a “Trojan horse” to create dependency among farmers on Cargill’s fertilizers and advice. This is particularly interesting in that Cargill is employing similar tactics in Indonesia’s palm oil industry and improved seedling and technical advice access is a major incentive for Indonesian farmers to participate in plantation co-ops. Japan has successfully blocked Cargill’s efforts in establishing such “beachheads” within its industry, both by producing laws as well as Cargill’s own failure to understand Japan’s custom of delivering meat.
Critical Abstract 20
Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection
Anna Tsing
Anna Tsing uses the destruction of forests and forest people’s livelihoods in Indonesia as a platform to ask a few major questions: why is capitalism so messy, who speaks for nature, and what kinds of social justice makes sense in the 21st century? She reasons that Indonesian forests are not destroyed for local needs and are more so influenced by global pressures. In fact, many current global trends began in seemingly small and random occurrences. To explain this phenomenon, Tsing introduces the concept of “friction” in how world culture and trajectories are shaped. Instead of viewing globalization as some form of cultural imperialism or some kind of developing global over-culture, Tsing envisions many small cultures ebbing and flowing and rubbing against each other in a dynamic way, where the overall product can be seen as globalization. Cultural exchanges and borrowed concepts are evident throughout history and they shape the trajectory of history. As an analogy, Tsing compares her idea of friction to that of roads. Roads are built to help us travel faster, yet also limit where we can go. When cultures borrow and clash, they create friction and the cultures will develop in the way of least resistance. I envision her concept as a sea of chaotic causation chains occurring simultaneously in the world, where certain chains cause some to break and others to strengthen, starting from the beginning of time. Some causation chains end over time when enough of its forces of causation and influence are broken. I firmly agree with Tsing’s concept of friction and admire that she is able to convey such a complicated idea so succinctly. This article is also quite interesting in that she draws this conclusion from examining Indonesia’s deforestation problem and recognizes the many factors at play.
Special Topic Critical Abstracts:
1
Why do Farmers Prefer Oil Palm? Lessons Learnt from Bungo District, Indonesia
Laurène Feintrenie, Wan Kian Chong, Patrice Levang
Indonesia leads the world in palm oil production and the Bungo district of Sumatra has been one of the most successful areas for oil palm cultivation. These authors examine why Indonesia farmers in this region prefer working with oil palm by looking at social, political, and economic factors. There are conflicting opinions on palm oil, and there have been many social conflicts between palm oil plantations and the workers. However, these conflicts usually do not involve rejecting palm oil, but rather differences between the company and its workers, such as unfulfilled promises or unfair profit sharing. The palm oil industry operates under a Nucleus Estates and Shareholders type scheme, in which farmers cede their land to the company in exchange for partial ownership of the plantation. The company owns a refinery and a majority of the land, called the Nucleus, which is surrounded by lands owned by smallholders, called the Plasma, which generally consists of 30%-40% of the plantation. The smallholders form the plasma cooperative, and a leader is elected among them to represent their interests to the company. By “investing” in the company with their land, these smallholders gain access to a share of the profits from each harvest, much desired technical help, and better seeds and seedlings. Additionally, their land is developed, with a loan from a bank, into a plantation, and a portion of their monthly profits partitioned toward paying off the loan. Once their loan is paid off, the smallholders will enjoy the full benefits of their portion of the plantation, generally two hectares. The authors believe that the government supported NES type system is, on-paper, very fair and, when put into practice correctly, can greatly benefit a community and improve their livelihoods. Poor village farmers or transmigrants understand this and see it as an opportunity to pave a better life for themselves and their family. I think this research was done well and fairly, as they examined both successful and failed cooperatives and the reasons for their successes or failures.
2
The livelihood impacts of oil palm: smallholders in Indonesia
Lucy Rist, Laurène Feintrenie, Patrice Levang
Palm oil and its associated livelihood impacts on smallholders are examined across four regions in Indonesia: Bungo of Central Sumatra, Sanggau of West Kalimantan, Northern Barito of Central Kalimantan, and Malinau of East Kalimantan. The authors interviewed locals and conducted economic analyses to reach their results. In all areas, they found that the people were very eager for economic development but have very limited opportunities. The desire is so extreme that it was not uncommon for villages to compete for the attention of loggers, coal miners, and palm oil developers. Among those interviewed, palm oil is widely seen as the most viable economic option for their land, and most farmers see palm oil as a passive income to supplement their other sources and will give their fallow or least desirable lands to the companies. The authors found that although the development schemes were similar across regions (NES style), the outcomes could be vastly different. Many farmers in the Kalimantan region did not experience the economic benefits of those in Bungo. This mainly depended upon how the farmers decide to use their land. Some farmers in Kalimantan sold their land outright, leaving little source of agricultural income, while others participated in the smallholding venture, only to sell their land prior to the oil palm crops reaching production (3 years). High start up costs, which manifests as debt to a bank, were often cited as the reason to selling the land. The authors contend that this complaint was only heard from smallholders during the first years due to the crops not having reached maturity, and after this, the debt will eventually be repaid from the monthly allocations of profit. Additionally, palm oil is desirable for its low labor costs. Harvest of palm oil requires 2 days of labor per month, compared to 14 days of labor for rubber. According to the authors’ research, palm oil is found to be a source of significant improvement to the livelihoods of rural communities, offering greater returns to labor and reducing poverty (with less than 10% of people in palm oil communities being poor). They suggest that palm oil is a great economic opportunity for the short term, although long term effects may be uncertain.
3
Making palm oil sustainable
Palm oil is increasingly used by chemical companies to make “green” products, fueling the demand for palm oil. 63 million tonnes of palm oil is produced annually, with figures suggesting that production will reach 70 million tonnes by the next decade, and it is well known that palm oil production is a major cause of deforestation in East Asia. In this article, the author examines many current solutions to the environmental impacts of palm oil. Some chemical firms such as Evonik, Clariant, and Croda are now corroborating to push for more sustainable palm oil production by a number of means. This includes not purchasing palm oil produced from recently deforested lands and ensuring the plantations and sources they purchase from are Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) certified sustainable. RSPO certification has two types: mass balance and segregated. Segregated certification requires that the end product be entirely separate from non-certified processes and entities, from seed to refinery to processed oil (which can be quite expensive to maintain), while mass balance allows a mixture of certified and uncertified within supply line to cut costs. Clariant has committed to switch to entirely mass balanced palm oil by 2016 and to segregated palm oil by 2020, and Evonik is aiming to switch to entirely RSPO certified palm oil by 2023. Others are endeavoring in the effort to create new “next generation” oils that may eventually replace palm oil. One promising solution is a currently ongoing research at the University of Bath that seeks to produce a palm oil-like substance utilizing a strain of yeast, Metschnikowia pulcherrima, with an estimated land use of 100 times less than that of palm oil. Solazyme, a US based chemical firm is already making headway in generating commercial volumes of algal oils that have been genetically engineered to be of similar properties to palm oil. There are many efforts in attempt to help alleviate the environmental impacts of palm oil, but what will these things mean for the livelihoods of palm oil farmers?
4
Palm oil production through sustainable plantations
This article looks at the possibilities of sustainability in palm oil plantations in Malaysia. First, the author examines the history, methods, and technology of the palm oil industry, then he discusses sustainability and its possible challenges. Although this article is about palm oil in Malaysia, the conditions are similar enough to be comparable to that of Indonesia. Malaysia has long been behind efforts toward sustainable palm oil production, and at the time of the writing (2007), Malaysia was the world’s largest producer of palm oil. The author contends that “sustainability” by definition must conform to the universally accepted model of benefiting the three P’s: people, planet, and profit. Palm oil refinement already produces a large number of plant byproducts such as cellulose and other plant fibers, which can be exploited commercially. By dry biomass, about 10% is oil and the other 90% are these plant byproducts. Currently, these excess cellulose and fibers are reused as fuel for the refineries with portions allocated to be composed and used as mulch for the plantations. It is projected that future second-generation biofuels may be derived from the plant fibers to create liquid fuel. Palm oil benefits the people by being the largest employment sector in Malaysia, providing livelihood benefits to a large number of formerly impoverished Malaysians. The main question is how this may benefit the planet. The current variety of oil palm that is used in plantations is actually a hybrid that has been genetically enhanced through selective breeding, producing over 100% more yield than the original hybrid called Tenera (Dura x Pisifera). The author argues that palm oil should be compared to other agricultural crops in terms of sustainability and in this light it is far more beneficial to the planet than most. Oil palm itself is a very resilient plant that is little affected by disease, weeds, or pests, so there is minimal use of pesticides or weedicides, and most palm oil plantations utilize biological pest control methods such as barn owls to reduce the rodent population. Compared to temperate agricultural crops, oil palm produces eight to ten times more oxygen and absorbs up to ten times more carbon dioxide, while producing around ten times more oil per hectare annually than other oil crops. Furthermore, the author argues, plantation crops such as oil palm are not considered planted forests, even though their ecosystem is far more biodiverse than their western counterparts in planted forests. If oil palm were to be considered planted forests, then Malaysian forest cover would be nearly 80%. Farmers have also developed methods to planting near jungle fringes while limiting impact by creating riparian reserves along rivers and lakes, thus preserving biodiversity and preventing erosion. This brings up a very interesting issue to me, as deforestation seems to be somewhat of a double standard. In Western countries, most land has already been deforested and developed, and yet we accuse and prevent other less well-off countries from developing. The author admits that the main issue for palm oil is in the forest clearing process. To account for the need for sustainability, the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) was formed, with many Malaysian palm oil companies in founding positions. The RSPO is an ambitious endeavor which seeks to award palm oil companies that meets its guidelines with sustainability certifications. Additionally, the author contends that allegations that oil palm is destroying habitats of endangered species such as the orangutan in Malaysia are largely unfounded and that the Malaysian government has created reservations and sanctuaries to protect these habitats; since in the 1990s, the Malaysian government had implemented policies that prevented opening of new jungle lands to agriculture.
5
How will oil palm expansion affect biodiversity?
Emily B. Fitzherbert, Matthew J. Struebig, et al.
Malaysia and Indonesia account for 80% of the world’s palm oil production and also contain 80% of Asia’s primary forests. The authors examine the ecological impacts of palm oil is examined from many angles, including sustainability and deforestation, and review possible solutions and opportunities to reduce its biodiversity impact. It is difficult to determine if oil palm is a direct cause of deforestation, although it may contribute to it in several ways, whether as a primary motive for clearing a forest or indirectly being associated with a cleared forest. For example, a forested land that had previously been cleared due to logging may eventually be turned into a plantation, and thus palm oil may be wrongfully viewed to be the culprit, as it fits the current narrative. Also, the authors found that due to corruption within the Indonesian government (due to high regional autonomy) and logging companies, along with murky land ownership rights, millions of hectares of forested land have been sold to logging companies under the pretext of palm oil development, but the company merely clears the trees for their timber and leaves the land without any development. Most interestingly, between 1990 and 2005, the area of oil palm in Indonesia increased from 4.4 million hectares to 6.1 million hectares, yet the total forest loss was 28.1 million hectares, meaning that oil palm could only have directly contributed to at most 16% of total forest loss during this time. However, the authors agree that oil palm as a potential agent for future deforestation is very high. Next, the affect of oil palm conversion on biodiversity was examined. In terms of species richness, oil palm plantations had less than half of the number of vertebrate species found in primary forests, but also more richness in invertebrate species. Compared to secondary or disturbed forests, oil palm showed diminished biodiversity as well, although the differences are less significant. Across all taxa, a mean of only 15% of species in primary forests were found in oil palm plantations. The greatest cause of concern is the act of clearing forests for plantation use, which was mostly done by slash and burn, although many of the larger companies have moved away from this practice. In conclusion, the authors suggest that there is little further than can be done, other than conforming to established organizations like the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) and monitoring whether palm oil contributes to future large scale deforestation. This deforestation may be prevented by better government land zoning policies and more informed producers and consumers. This article offers very interesting insight on the actual numbers behind the deforestation and habitat loss, which suggests that deforestation may be over-contributed to palm oil by environmentalists.